ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus, A Panacea and A New Actor on Myanmar's Political Stage (Article)

Nicholas Kong Mizzima. The Mizzima. A theatrical performance was held in Bangkok, Thailand, on July 12, 2026. It was an informal meeting of the foreign ministers of the 11 ASEAN member states and the foreign minister of the elected civilian government. The meeting was the first face-to-face encounter between top diplomats since the ASEAN summit excluded the Myanmar military junta for over five years, following the military's violent overthrow of the democratically elected government led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021. The Five-Point Consensus Remains Valid ASEAN does not appear to want to be taken advantage of. It continues to firmly uphold the Five-Point Consensus adopted in 2021 as the main framework for resolving Myanmar's political issues. ASEAN is watching for at least three major developments: the permanent cessation of violence, the release of all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance to all those in need, regardless of their political stance. However, it is true that they are turning a deaf ear. More than five years after the coup, the military junta has disregarded these agreements, and the organizations controlled by the military have also ignored them. Impossible from the Start The first point, the cessation of violence, was an impossible situation for the military junta from the beginning. The military continues to carry out aerial bombardments across the country, targeting civilians, including children and adults, men and women, monks and laypeople, regardless of the season. Historically, the military has used ceasefire agreements not for genuine peace, but as a strategy to divide and weaken opposing forces and reduce international pressure. The second point, the release of political prisoners, is also just a trump card for the military junta. They have never considered it a humanitarian responsibility. This week's panacea from the military junta is: "Elder Sister Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is healthy, and we are taking care of her like a mother." Do you still remember? It was what Brigadier General Khin Nyunt said. Now it's worse. Is it humanitarian to detain an 81-year-old mother, who was overthrown and arrested, in an unknown condition, not allowing her son to visit her, and ignoring the demands of the people and the international community? Is she being treated as a mother? Oh, modern Angulimala. The third point, the distribution of humanitarian aid, is something the military junta likes very much. It is uncertain whether the good items sent will reach the public. Even if they do, the items may be replaced with old ones, or bad ones may be sent. The people of Myanmar know best that these are the deceptive tactics of successive military dictatorships. We cannot forget the suffering of all the victims during the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2024 cyclone disaster, and the 2025 Sagaing earthquake disaster. Even now, while more than five million internally displaced persons are lacking shelter, clothing, food, medicine, and supplies due to the civil war, the military leaders continue to bomb without interruption. International and NUG Reactions International human rights organizations have strongly criticized ASEAN's invitation to the military junta's foreign minister to the Bangkok meeting. The military junta is likely trying to normalize relations with ASEAN to return to the international stage after establishing a nominal civilian government. The voices warning that allowing this meeting without realizing it has trapped ASEAN could further erode trust in the ASEAN organization are like alarm bells. In particular, if ASEAN or its individual member states treat the actors on Myanmar's political stage differently, without equal political consideration, it could be seen as supporting the military junta's strategy of divide and rule. Therefore, the NUG also pointed out in a statement that the fundamental problem in Myanmar's politics is not the lack of diplomatic relations, but the military junta's refusal to implement the Five-Point Consensus. The NUG has pointed out that ASEAN's credibility should be assessed not by the number of meetings held, but by whether the requested commitments can be practically implemented. A New Actor on the Stage The military junta's political maneuvering is astonishing. They can perform the "dance of seven transformations" perfectly. However, these skills are used not for the benefit of the people, but for their own interests. No matter how their attire changes, their core remains the same. No matter how many times they shed their skin, a snake is still a snake. On the other side of Myanmar's political stage, ASEAN should view the Steering Council for the Establishment of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF), born from the unity of revolutionary forces, as a new actor that better reflects the truth of Myanmar's politics, and as an opportunity to create new choreography beyond the unchanging drama centered on the military junta. The Steering Council should also clearly present its organizational structure and the division of responsibilities of the NUG and ERO in a script, clearly outlining how and in what roles they will operate in the executive and military branches. Only then can domestic audiences and international partners understand and see the Steering Council as a unified and cohesive organization with authority. The Steering Council needs to take the lead in playing an effective role, not just reacting to the movements on the political stage, but as the main actor and the main scriptwriter. Conclusion Revolutionary leaders should understand that credibility cannot be gained merely by holding meetings or attending them. Credibility must be built through strategic clarity and organizational actions and results. In the world of diplomacy, mutual respect and trust are gained through clear policies and actions, honesty, and firm adherence to principles.