
Reconsidering Bail Practices: Thailand Questioned After Activist's Death
Following the death of activist Netiporn 'Bung' Sanesangkhom in state custody, a court ruled her death was due to electrolyte imbalance and an enlarged heart. Her case highlights concerns over the denial of bail in political cases, with another activist, Ekachai Hongkangwan, still detained while his conviction is under Supreme Court review. This situation prompts a critical re-evaluation of Thailand's bail practices in politically sensitive cases.
Thailand should not wait for another death in custody before confronting a difficult question: Are we relying too heavily on pre-trial detention in political cases? This week, the Thanyaburi Provincial Court ruled that activist Netiporn “Bung” Sanesangkhom died from an electrolyte imbalance and an enlarged heart while in state custody. The court did not conclude that prison medical staff had acted negligently, finding the evidence insufficient to reach a definitive determination. But one fact remains beyond dispute: Bung died while being held before her trial had concluded. The timing of the ruling is impossible to ignore. Just days earlier, the remaining defendants in the royal motorcade poll case—the same lèse-majesté case in which Bung’s bail had twice been revoked—were acquitted of both lèse-majesté and sedition charges. Bung, the eighth defendant, never heard that verdict. She spent a total of 204 days in detention, including 110 consecutive days before her death, after the court rejected another bail application in February 2024. No one can say with certainty how Bung’s own trial would have ended because the proceedings against her were terminated when she died. But the acquittal of her co-defendants reinforces the importance of a principle that lies at the heart of every justice system: defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty. Bung never had the opportunity to benefit from that presumption. That should have been a turning point. Instead, Thailand risks repeating the same mistake. Bail is not an acquittal. It is not an endorsement of a defendant’s beliefs or actions. It exists because every person is presumed innocent until proven guilty. Depriving someone of their liberty before a conviction becomes final should be an exceptional measure, reserved for situations where there is a genuine risk of flight, interference with witnesses or evidence, or danger to the public. That principle should not disappear because a case is politically sensitive. Yet in practice, political activists—particularly those charged under the lèse-majesté law—often face extraordinary difficulty obtaining bail. Some have had bail repeatedly denied or revoked, spending months or even years behind bars before their cases are finally decided. In politically sensitive cases, detention too often appears to have become the norm rather than the exception. The debate is not theoretical. It is happening today. Activist Ekachai Hongkangwan remains behind bars while seeking Supreme Court review of his conviction in the 2020 royal motorcade case. His case itself illustrates why continued detention before a final judgment deserves closer scrutiny. In 2023, the Criminal Court acquitted Ekachai and his co-defendants after finding insufficient evidence that they intended to obstruct the royal motorcade. The court noted testimony that many protesters were unaware a royal procession was approaching and found that police had failed to properly clear the route or notify demonstrators in advance. Among the witnesses was veteran journalist Pravit Rojanaphruk, who testified that he saw no attempt by protesters to block the motorcade while covering the protest. The Court of Appeal later overturned that acquittal, convicted the defendants under Section 110 of the Criminal Code—an offence punishable by 16 years to life imprisonment, or the death penalty if the act endangers the life of the King, Queen, heir-apparent or regent—and imposed lengthy prison sentences. The case is now before the Supreme Court, meaning the judicial process has not yet run its course. Earlier this year, the Supreme Court denied Ekachai bail despite concerns over his health, ruling that his medical needs could be addressed within the prison system. Civil society groups have since appealed for his transfer to a specialist hospital outside prison, citing serious medical conditions, while the House Committee on Legal Affairs, Justice and Human Rights has agreed to examine the case. Whether the Supreme Court ultimately upholds or overturns Ekachai’s conviction is for the courts to decide. But that is precisely the point. Two courts have already reached fundamentally different conclusions on the same evidence. His conviction is not final. Yet he remains behind bars. The issue extends beyond bail. Parliament has approved an amnesty bill that excludes lèse-majesté offences, leaving many political detainees outside its scope. According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, at least 30 political prisoners are expected to remain ineligible because they face lèse-majesté charges. For many defendants, there is no bail, no amnesty and no certainty about when their legal ordeal will end. Reasonable people can disagree about the monarchy. They can disagree about the lèse-majesté law. They can disagree about the actions of political activists. But those disagreements should not determine whether a person enjoys the procedural protections that are the foundation of a fair justice system. The right to bail should not depend on whether a case is politically convenient or politically controversial. It should depend on objective legal considerations and the individual circumstances of each defendant. If the state cannot demonstrate a compelling reason to keep someone behind bars before trial—or before a conviction becomes final—liberty, not detention, should be the default. Bung’s story should have been the moment Thailand reconsidered how it approaches bail in political cases. Instead, another activist whose conviction is not yet final remains in prison despite concerns over his health. Parliament has also chosen to exclude most lèse-majesté defendants from the new amnesty law, leaving many political detainees with no realistic prospect of relief while their legal battles continue. Justice delayed is one thing. Liberty denied before guilt has been finally established is another. Bung cannot be brought back. But if her death does not prompt Thailand to reaffirm that bail—not prolonged detention—should be the starting point even in politically sensitive cases, then the lesson of her case will have been lost. Bung should be the last. Ekachai should not be next. The post Opinion: Bung’s death should be the last. Ekachai should not be next. appeared first on Thai Enquirer.
多角的分析
政治的事件における保釈の厳格化は、直接的な経済活動への影響は限定的だが、法制度への信頼低下は長期的に見て投資環境に悪影響を与えうる。特に、不敬罪のような政治的センシティブな法適用が、ビジネス上のリスク評価において不確実性を増大させる可能性がある。企業は、予期せぬ法的手続きや資産凍結のリスクを考慮する必要に迫られるかもしれない。
投資家にとって、法制度の予測可能性と公平性は極めて重要である。保釈が政治的判断に左右されるという認識は、タイにおける法治の安定性に対する懸念を高める。これは、特に外国からの直接投資(FDI)や証券市場への投資判断において、リスクプレミアムの上昇を招く可能性がある。企業活動における予期せぬ遅延や資産の拘束リスクは、投資リターンの低下につながりかねない。
ネティポルン氏の死は、タイ社会における表現の自由と司法への信頼に関する深い議論を再燃させている。特に、若者世代や活動家コミュニティの間では、不敬罪法を含む現行法の適用に対する不満が高まっている。エクチャイ氏のケースのように、最終判決前に長期拘束される事例は、司法制度が政治的圧力に屈しているのではないかという懸念を広げ、市民の権利擁護活動への影響も懸念される。
市民、特に法制度の恩恵を受けるべき立場にある人々にとって、保釈が容易に却下される状況は、司法への不信感を増幅させる。ネティポルン氏の死は、自分たちも同様の運命をたどる可能性があるという不安を抱かせる。エクチャイ氏のように、健康状態が悪化しても十分な医療を受けられず、身柄を拘束され続ける状況は、人権侵害として受け止められ、市民の権利擁護団体からの更なる行動を促すだろう。恩赦の対象から外れる多くの政治囚の存在は、社会全体の分断を深める要因ともなりうる。
背景・歴史的文脈
タイにおける不敬罪法(刑法第112条)は、王室への侮辱や脅迫を禁じるもので、長年にわたり政治的議論の的となってきた。特に2020年以降の民主化デモにおいて、この法律が活動家への弾圧に利用されているとの批判が強まった。ネティポルン氏やエクチャイ氏のケースは、不敬罪関連の訴訟において、保釈申請が頻繁に却下される傾向を示している。これは、被告人が有罪判決を受ける前に長期間拘束される状況を生み出し、司法手続きにおける「無罪推定の原則」が政治的事件では実質的に機能していないとの懸念を引き起こしている。また、最近承認された恩赦法案から不敬罪関連の罪状が除外されたことは、多くの政治囚が救済から排除される状況を生み出している。
原文ソース
Thai Enquirer