
Despite military difficulties, PDF fighters say resistance spirit has not faded
Young People's Defence Forces (PDF) fighters, clad in military uniforms, marched towards their training ground at a secret jungle camp in central Myanmar, laughing and talking, despite facing situations where they had to
Young People's Defence Forces (PDF) fighters, clad in military uniforms, marched towards their training ground at a secret jungle camp in central Myanmar, laughing and talking, despite facing situations where they had to retreat militarily. In a cleared area within the forest, they saluted the red and white PDF flag. They are people who left urban areas after the 2021 military coup to take up arms against the military junta. Around 100 fighters are based at the secret camp, most of whom wear the "Don" insignia of the Mandalay PDF, one of the strongest and best-organized People's Defence Forces (PDF) in the country. The civil war has been ongoing for nearly five years, and the camp was built in the Sagaing Region, having resettled after retreating from Mandalay. The fighters also use the marching ground as a football field, with some playing football barefoot. In the soldiers' dormitories, fighters sleep side-by-side on long wooden benches, with each person having only one blanket, one backpack, and one weapon. Although the resistance forces initially achieved military successes, the Myanmar military later launched counteroffensives on multiple fronts. Furthermore, some ethnic armed organizations that had been assisting the PDFs have ceased fighting due to ceasefire agreements brokered by China. The Myanmar military brought the Conscription Law into effect in February 2024, replenishing its troop numbers and increasing its numerical superiority. A platoon leader of the Mandalay PDF, who only wished to be identified by his military name "Skate," aged 25, said he joined the PDF to evade conscription. "Many people are dissatisfied with the current situation. They say, 'The revolution is no longer successful, we can't get back up.' Sometimes even our fighters feel this way," he told AFP. According to data from the armed conflict monitoring group ACLED, over 100,000 people have died in connection with the conflict on both sides since the military coup. "We have lost many comrades who fought together, and civilians displaced by the conflict. However, these experiences are what motivate us more to overcome these difficulties," he said. After the military coup, PDFs collaborated with ethnic armed revolutionary organizations to obtain weapons, ammunition, and military training. Mon Mon Nwe Oo, 24, one of the few female fighters at the camp, said she participated in the operation that captured and controlled the city of Mogok. However, she said that their allied Ta'ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) withdrew according to a China-brokered agreement, forcing them to also retreat from the territory. "It is regrettable to lose territory after winning. I do not know the detailed military decisions. I only knew that we had to retreat," she said. Currently, some resistance fighters believe that the Myanmar military has a military advantage due to fighter jets and heavy artillery obtained from China and Russia, and is also gaining an advantage in drone technology. However, a PDF fighter named "Nay," aged 33, said they still have an advantage over the military junta. "We started this revolution with bare hands. Now we have weapons and forces. In terms of spirit, they cannot compare to us. This is because we are fighting with a spirit that does not accept injustice," he said.
多角的分析
直接の経済ニュースではありませんが、治安と司法の信頼は地域経済の土台です。職場での暴力や未成年者保護への不安が強まると、夜間営業、観光、雇用、地域サービス業のリスク認識が高まります。
投資家目線では、個別事件よりも法執行の予見可能性が焦点です。加害者への対応が曖昧になれば、ローカルビジネスの統治リスクや従業員保護の弱さとして評価されやすくなります。
軍服を着用した若い人民防衛軍(PDF)の隊員たちは、軍事的に後退を余儀なくされる状況に直面しているが、ミャンマー中部にある秘密の山岳キャンプで…という事実は、地域の人々にとって抽象的な人権論ではなく、働く場所や夜間の移動をどこまで信用できるかという問題です。Mizzima (Burmese)の報道は、軍と当局の対応を継続して見せる必要があります。
市民にとっては、自分や家族が被害に遭った時に公正な手続きへアクセスできるのかが最大の関心です。地域団体が声を上げることで、事件の風化を防ぎ、被害者側の孤立を和らげる意味があります。
背景・歴史的文脈
このニュースは、ミャンマーの地域社会で法の支配と弱者保護がどこまで機能しているかを映す事案です。暴力事件そのものに加え、女性団体や市民社会が司法手続きを求めて声を上げている点が重要です。軍政下では警察・司法への信頼が揺らぎやすく、個別事件が地域の不安や統治への不信に直結します。
原文ソース
Mizzima (Burmese)