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Page 249

BNI (Burma News International)

Junta troops loot civilians' belongings in Khampat

Junta troops controlling much of Khampat Town in Sagaing Region, located along the Kale–Tamu Road near the India-Myanmar border, have been ransacking homes abandoned by displaced civilians and hauling away looted belongi

Mizzima (Burmese)

Food delivery man released under amnesty re-arrested by junta, sentenced to 13 years in prison

Photo – U Kyi Myo Zaw (aka) U Kyi, 54, a food delivery man from Yangon, who was arrested for writing critical posts about junta leader Min Aung Hlaing on social media. He was sentenced to an additional 10 years in prison on June 25 under Section 50(d) of the Counter-Terrorism Law by the Mayangone District Court, according to the Justice Network For Political Prisoners (JNPP). (U Kyi's Social Media) Maung Khet Nue (June 26) Mizzima. U Kyi, who was arrested for posting on social media, was re-arrested at a police station after being released under amnesty and has been sentenced to 13 years in prison, according to an official from the Justice Network For Political Prisoners (JNPP). U Kyi, 54, is a man who delivers food in lunch boxes in Yangon city. Ma Yu Mi San, a JNPP official, told Mizzima, "While the family was waiting in front of the police station expecting his release, he was re-imprisoned. With the additional 10 years for Section 50(d), the total sentence has become 13 years." U Kyi, who was released from prison on March 4 under the junta's amnesty announced on January 4 of this year, was re-arrested while signing release documents at the police station. Subsequently, the Mayangone District Court sentenced him to three years in prison under Section 505(a) on March 26, and 10 years in prison under Section 50(d) on June 25, making a total of 13 years in prison. The junta arrested U Kyi for three days for interrogation, citing large inflows and outflows of money in his KBZ-Pay account, then transferred him to the Latha Township Police Station and charged him under the State Crimes Act and the Counter-Terrorism Law. "I have absolutely no complaints with the United States. They say they arrested the country's leader after entering that country. The person who should have been arrested has not been arrested for a long time," U Kyi wrote on social media. It is learned from his acquaintances that he was arrested after junta supporters incited his arrest. "I heard he is not in good health inside. They themselves do not abide by the laws they themselves have enacted, so who is above the law? The entire junta is above the law. The people of Myanmar are enduring the fact that they are being charged under various sections out of personal vendettas. I want to ask if they consider themselves a government, or military demons who have seized power," Ma Yu Mi San commented. U Kyi, who is currently imprisoned, suffers from chronic illnesses such as rheumatoid arthritis, aortic valve stenosis, fatty heart, and kidney disease, and is undergoing medication. His family members are extremely concerned about his life due to the lack of adequate medicine in prison and frequent visits to the prison hospital. Furthermore, his family is facing difficulties in visiting him due to financial hardships, according to his acquaintances. He was arrested in December 2021 under Section 505(a) for participating in anti-dictatorship activities after the military coup and was released in 2023. After his release, while working with his family in the lunch box delivery business and helping political prisoners with visits and food from one side, he was arrested again in January 2026 for posting on social media. He was subsequently re-arrested and imprisoned upon his release from prison. According to data from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) as of June 25, 2026, a total of 31,224 people have been arrested since the coup, with 14,364 confirmed to be still detained. Of these, 7,883 are awaiting confirmation. Editor: Aung Kyaw Phyo

Mizzima (Burmese)

Politician says lack of power sharing and mutual cooperation are root causes of conflict

Photo – Ramnganing Muivah is a Member of the Legislative Assembly from the Ukhrul constituency in Manipur and has served for over 35 years as an expert in the fields of finance and infrastructure development for both state and central governments in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). Force Magazine Ramnganing Muivah is a Member of the Legislative Assembly from the Ukhrul constituency in Manipur and has served for over 35 years as an expert in the fields of finance and infrastructure development for both state and central governments in the Indian Administrative Service (IAS). He has served in the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Urban Development, as well as holding positions such as Joint Secretary, Principal Secretary, and Special Secretary to the Government of Manipur. After retiring as Secretary of the North Eastern Council in 2019, he was elected as a Member of the Legislative Assembly as a member of the Naga People’s Front party in 2022. He belongs to the Tangkhul Naga tribe. The Ukhrul district has a long history of insurgency, but the Nagas remained neutral in the conflict between the Meiteis and Kuki-Zos that occurred in 2023. However, in many of the violent incidents that occurred in early 2026, Ukhrul and Kangpokpi districts became epicenters. The Ukhrul district is a hilly district in the northern part of Manipur state. This district is the main area of residence for the Tangkhul Nagas, and some other communities such as the Kuki and Nepali tribes also live there. The Nagas claim that two more districts were carved out from Ukhrul district with the intention of breaking the unity of the Nagas. Currently, Tengnoupal district, now called Chandel district, was separated from Ukhrul district in July 1983, and Kangpokpi district was separated in December 2016. To the east of Ukhrul district lies Myanmar, to the south lies Kangpokpi district, to the west lie Kangpokpi and Senapati districts, and to the north lies Nagaland state. MLA Ramnganing Muivah was interviewed by human rights lawyer and writer Nandita Haksar. Haksar: Thank you for agreeing to this interview. I know that this is a very stressful time for everyone in Manipur, especially for the residents of Ukhrul and Kangpokpi hill districts. Before we talk about the current situation, I would like to know your views on the grievances presented by both the Naga and Kuki-Zo hill tribal communities, alleging discrimination against the hill districts by successive Manipur state governments and the central government. Do you agree with this point, and can you provide some statistical data to support the claim that such discrimination exists? Muivah: It is a fact that among the hill tribes of Northeast India, the condition of the hill tribes of Manipur is the worst. For comparison, all the hill tribes of Northeast India have received the highest status under the Indian Constitution, which is 'Statehood'. These are Nagaland in 1963, Meghalaya in 1972, Sikkim in 1975, and Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram in 1987. Other tribes, including those living in the Assam plains, such as the Bodos, Karbis, and Dimasa tribes, as well as the hill tribes of Tripura, have enjoyed the rights of Territorial Councils under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. Unfortunately, the hill tribes of Manipur do not even have Local Autonomy. The 'Autonomous District Council' that exists in Manipur is merely a state law and is like a toothless tiger with no powers. Recently, a retired Director General of Income Tax submitted his findings to the Chief Minister of Manipur regarding the huge disparities in budget allocation and fund investment between the valley areas and the hill districts. To elaborate, for the financial year 2024-25, the capital expenditure for the valley areas was Rs 5,215 crore, while for the hill areas it was only Rs 378 crore. This is 93 percent and 7 percent respectively. Similarly, during the same period, for normal expenditure, the valley areas had Rs 22,632 crore, and the hill areas had Rs 4,041 crore, which is 85 percent and 15 percent. As a Member of the Legislative Assembly, I have always pointed out and discussed these important and urgent issues both inside and outside the assembly. To speak frankly and without any malice towards anyone, the root causes of the violence in Manipur are not only population imbalance and drug smuggling, but primarily the lack of power sharing and the absence of mutual cooperation. There are many examples of successful countries and states that have a mixed population of various ethnic groups but live together peacefully and prosper. For example, in Meghalaya state, since becoming a state in 1972, there have been eight chief ministers, four of whom were from the Garo tribe and the other four from the Khasi tribe. The deputy chief minister was from a smaller tribe, the Jaintia. In Sikkim state, the Member of Parliament has always been from minority communities like the Bhutia and Lepcha. Similarly, the President of Singapore has always been from minority communities like the Malay or Tamil. It would be wise for Manipur to emulate these good practices of its neighboring states and countries. "The political boundaries created during the British era and the division of the people have been a tragedy for the Naga people, and we are still suffering from the consequences of this artificial demarcation. It is the deepest desire of every Naga person that all Naga people living in both Myanmar and India will one day live together united under one administrative umbrella."

Mizzima (Burmese)

5 dead, including 2 children, in Natmak airstrike

Image reference - The military group's forces launched an aerial attack on the village of Thashungone Kyin in Natmuk district at around 4:20 pm on June 25, killing five local residents, including two children, with two j

SHAN News

勢いの幻想: 軍事政権の「勝利」が戦略的な蜃気楼である理由

6月24日、サルウィン・タイムズは、ミャンマー軍がファラム、ラショー、ミャワディ、チャウメ、タガウンなどの主要拠点を含む少なくとも20の戦略地域の支配権を取り戻したと報じた。 この数字は、しばしばビルマ・ニュース・インターナショナル(BNI)とミャンマー平和モニター(MPM)によって文脈化されており、2026年5月15日の時点で約87の町が依然として反軍政軍の支配下にあると推定している。

Mekong News

Military Council bombed a village in Demo So

Mekong, June 26 A village located in the western part of Demo So township in Karenni State was bombed by the Military Council with a fighter jet around 10 PM yesterday, according to Karenni military sources. The sources

Eleven Media

Naypyitaw Gate construction site inspected

It is known that a gate at the entrance to the city (Naypyitaw Gate) is being constructed in the capital, Naypyitaw. It is known that this morning (June 25), Head of State U Min Aung Hlaing, accompanied by Vice President

DVB

Myanmar’s democracy movement and the new rules of global power

Guest contributor Napas Thein For decades, pro-democracy actors in Myanmar appealed to the international community through the language of liberal internationalism: human rights, multilateralism, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), democracy promotion, and the rules-based international order. However, the rules of the global world order are changing and democratic actors need to reassess their strategies. They need to focus on key issues that they can build pragmatic coalitions around, oftentimes with unlikely partners. Failing to do so will just mean giving up ground in the international community to the junta. U.S. President Donald Trump’s return to the White House accelerated divisions in the global order away from liberal internationalism and towards transactional and competitive geopolitics. The abandonment of multilateralism and weakened international institutions has pushed middle powers such as Canada, Australia, Japan, and the United Kingdom to rethink their foreign policy objectives. For example, earlier this year when Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney described this geopolitical rupture in his famous speech at Davos. He argued that traditional multilateral institutions have struggled to respond effectively to modern crises, and he instead called for a new framework of international engagement which scholars call “variable geometry.” To the uninitiated, the concept of variable geometry in foreign policy lies somewhere between traditional multilateralism (state powers engaged through the U.N. and The Hague) and pure bilateralism (direct country-to-country engagement). Instead of relying on universal consensus through international institutions, countries form flexible, issue-specific coalitions that involve relevant actors. These coalitions shift depending on the issue at hand, whether it be security, trade, migration, humanitarian assistance, technology, or regional stability. People in Myanmar already understand this way of engagement. Myanmar’s conflict landscape has long operated through overlapping networks of states, internal alliances, ethnic resistance organizations, civil society groups, humanitarian actors, diaspora networks, and informal diplomatic channels. It can be argued that the resistance has been so resilient because groups have been willing to cooperate and pivot amidst disagreement. But, as we’ve recently seen, countries like Canada are increasingly adopting a more pragmatic trade-based posture, abandoning idealistic foreign policies of the past. For example, this year alone, Canada has cautiously re-engaged with countries such as China and India to normalize trade relations, despite severe diplomatic tensions in recent years. Canada is also pursuing deeper economic ties across Southeast Asia while strengthening security and democratic partnerships elsewhere. Similar trade-focused approaches over the past decade are visible in Australia, Japan, and the U.K. This does not necessarily mean that Canada and its like-minded middle-power allies are abandoning democratic values altogether to focus on trade. Groups of countries and actors can still collaborate on the international stage to address key issues. Case study: Ukraine and its “coalition of the willing”. The international response to Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine has increasingly relied not on universal consensus through the U.N., but through this evolving coalition of the willing (through overlapping arrangements involving NATO members, European states and friendly states, private industry, and non-state actors coordinating military, economic, intelligence, and humanitarian aid in support of Ukraine against Russian aggression). The variable geometry-style shape of the response to Ukraine is unlikely in the Myanmar context, even among members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Myanmar’s immediate neighbours. Simply put, Myanmar does not reach the level of political prioritization that Western nations face. With that said, how can we shift towards making values work in practice? Myanmar’s democratic movement, and in particular the newly formed Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF), should adapt accordingly by thinking strategically on an issue-by-issue basis with key stakeholders. Instead of viewing diplomacy solely through traditional multilateral and bilateral channels, pro-democracy actors should pursue targeted issue-based coalitions with both traditional allies and unlikely partners. Below are some key and early ways they can do this: Humanitarian coalition engagement — Canada, Australia, Japan, the U.K., the E.U., ASEAN, India, Bangladesh, and China The collapse of USAID and the reduction in international humanitarian funding have created major gaps across the region. Thailand and Bangladesh continue to absorb refugee pressures while local aid networks inside Myanmar and along borderlands face constraints. In this environment, flexible coalitions involving middle powers, ASEAN actors, China, India, Bangladesh, ethnic resistance organizations, and local humanitarian groups may prove more effective than rigid multilateral frameworks that remain constrained by Naypyidaw. Importantly, much of Myanmar’s humanitarian need exists outside military-controlled territory, including through the ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance (AHA Center) program and beyond. Minilateral diplomacy and Track 1, 1.5, and 2 dialogues — Canada, Australia, the E.U., and ASEAN member states These dialogues are often dismissed as symbolic exercises or report-generating forums. In reality, they have become important incubators for policy experimentation, conflict management ideas, humanitarian coordination, and regional early-warning systems. Discussions surrounding cyber scam centres, human trafficking, rare earth supply chains, and cross-border instability increasingly demonstrate that Myanmar’s crisis is no longer confined within its borders. The Rohingya crisis — Canada, Australia, the U.K., the E.U., Japan, ASEAN, China, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and Bangladesh Bangladesh cannot sustainably shoulder the burden alone. Former interim Bangladesh leader Muhammad Yunus has openly warned that reductions in international aid threaten the long-term viability of refugee support operations. Even China, historically cautious on the issue, has delivered some humanitarian support to the Rohingya. This creates openings for broader burden-sharing coalitions involving ASEAN states, states in the OIC, Japan, Canada, Australia, China, and international humanitarian actors, with the Rohingya included in Myanmar’s political dialogue. Release of Aung San Suu Kyi — Canada, Australia, the U.K., the U.S., Japan, ASEAN, China For many in the West, cooperation with China on Myanmar remains politically uncomfortable. Yet Beijing possesses far greater leverage over Myanmar’s junta than any Western government. China has historicall

ONE NEWS

Must work to import essential raw materials

It is necessary to work to import essential raw materials if there is a need, as the production of value-added products based on raw materials that already exist within our region and domestically is the most certain pro

ONE NEWS

Need to successfully plant over 21 million target trees

It is necessary to successfully plant over 21 million trees targeted for planting this year as part of the Special Greening Project, said Head of State Senior General Min Aung Hlaing. The Senior General made these remark

Khit Thit Media

63 Junta Members Dead Across Myanmar

Yangon, June 25 According to information received across Myanmar on June 25, it has been learned that 63 junta members have died, based on statements and reports from People's Defense Forces. Khit Thit Media makes it kno

Mizzima English

Spring Revolution Daily News for 25 June

The National Unity Government (NUG) -In Myaing Township of Magway Unit, Magway People’s Defence Force managed to attack via two suicidal drones at a junta’s Mi-17 helicopter landing in Pyusawti Militia-controlled Twinma