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In Myanmar's Bago Region, it has been learned that chicken is being sold through a system that bypasses intermediaries and sells directly from producers to consumers, enabling consumers to purchase chicken at more afford
A powerful new coalition of Myanmar’s opposition forces has warned international mediators that peace talks focused solely on reducing violence will fail unless they directly address the root cause of the conflict: decad
Burma News International (BNI) is a network of 15 independent media and news organizations based in and around Burma The military junta has continued daily airstrikes targeting civilian villages, flood-affected areas, an
A joint military exercise between the Myanmar and Russia armies has underscored the need for resistance forces to adapt to evolving battlefield tactics and emerging weapons technologies, political and military analysts s
PYAY – It has been learned that the interim government is striving to establish an animal feed factory by exporting Matpe to India and importing soybean meal from India through a joint venture between Myanmar and India i
A military airstrike targeted a location in Hpasawng Township, Karenni State, at around 3:00 p.m. on July 16, killing a man in his twenties, according to local residents. Residents said three civilians were injured in th
Mizzima Former Malaysian Foreign Minister Dato Seri Saifuddin Abdullah, former Thai Foreign Minister Khun Kasit Piromya, and three former UN experts on Myanmar stated on July 18 that the Philippines' handling of the Myan
YT (July 18) Mizzima. The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) has selected Major General Saw Baw Kyaw Hla, who served as Deputy Chief of Staff, to be the Chief of Staff, according to sources. As the former Chief of Sta
The US State Department said on Friday that Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel R. Rubiao will visit the Philippines next week as part of an effort to reaffirm partnerships with Southea
Two Myanmar workers residing in Thailand have each won the first prize of 6 million baht in the Thai government lottery drawn on July 16, Ko Ye Myint (AAC), leader of MHAC (Migrant Health Assistance Coordination Committe
The National Unity Government (NUG) In an exclusive interview with Mizzima, Minister for Health-NUG Dr. Shwe Pone stated that the NUG had completed building 10 underground hospitals all across Myanmar. Ministry of Social
Dhatu for Mizzima Amidst flashing multi-coloured lights in the darkness, a crowd dances rhythmically to the deafening music down a backstreet in Yangon. The majority of this crowd appears to consist of underage teenagers, both male and female, some estimated to be only around 14 years old. They gather nightly in venues commonly known as “high rooms” (private party rooms), KTV lounges, and private party spaces, dancing until dawn. Although strangers, they eagerly share and inhale from glasses packed with ice cubes. In drug user parlance, this inhalation is meant to “keep the high going without crashing.” This practice is driven by the belief that it sustains the high induced by party drugs like “E” (Ecstasy, coloured pills shaped like candies or cartoon characters), “K” (Ketamine, a white powder), and “Happy Water.” Ma Yun (a pseudonym) covertly meets a 16-year-old girl near the restroom of a private party room and slips some packages into her hand. “Here is your order, sister. I guarantee the quality. Not shoddy stuffs. If the high doesn’t last, I’ll refund you,” Ma Yun, 27, tells the young girl. Having never met in person, the girl and Ma Yun built rapport on social media, trading these illicit goods purely on trust. The young girl then slips into the restroom with her companions, including young men, to consume the drugs. Despite gender-segregated restrooms, patrons move in and out freely without any intervention from staff or security. The items handed over by Ma Yun were packets of Ecstasy (E) and Ketamine (K). Making an easy 500,000 MMK (approx. $250) that night helps her manage her mounting debts. “I know this isn’t decent work. I used to blame both dealers and users. But I’ve been unable to pay off high-interest loans (10% interest) from about five lenders for a long time. This is the only way I’ve found some financial relief,” Ma Yun shares. Ma Yun is an ordinary employee at a major auto parts shop. Despite years of hard work, her monthly salary never exceeded 350,000 MMK (approx. $170). While others resigned due to the unsustainably low wages, Ma Yun, a migrant from rural Myanmar living in a rented hostel in Myanmar’s commercial capital, found it impossible to switch jobs amid the current employment crisis. Frequent payroll delays from her company caused her to miss interest payment deadlines, trapping her in a cycle of debt. Furthermore, unfair salary deductions disguised as “fines” occasionally left her with only 250,000 to 300,000 MMK a month. To pay rent, loan interest, and feed herself on that salary, Ma Yun had to cut back severely, rarely eat meat and survive on 1,000 MMK rice packs paired with cheap dishes like fried potatoes, eggs, or water spinach on a rotating basis. While hostel rent, basic commodities, toiletries, and commodity prices soared monthly, wages remained stagnant. Desperate, Ma Yun turned to drug dealing, despite knowing it ruins lives. She adds that on some nights in the private VIP rooms, she also turned to occasional sex work when meeting wealthy, middle-aged men. Similarly, Ma Pa Pa, a 24-year-old developer who moved from Mandalay to Yangon, found her salary of around 500,000 MMK at an IT firm entirely insufficient. Consequently, she also moonlights as a drug dealer. “How can salary cover living expenses? I didn’t want to live in a hostel, so I rented an apartment with two friends. Rent alone costs over 300,000 MMK a month. Under a three-month lease, it’s 350,000 MMK, and that’s just my share. Food costs, even for vegetables, are rising. Even after cutting down on personal care products, 500,000 MMK a month isn’t enough. That’s why I connected with acquaintances to do this,” Ma Pa Pa explains. Ma Pa Pa also admits to using the substances herself to test the quality of her merchandise. According to Ma Pa Pa and Ma Yun, E (Ecstasy) goes for 40,000 to 50,000 MMK per pill, K (Ketamine) costs 100,000 MMK per gram, and “Happy Water” (a cocktail of six drugs) ranges from 400,000 to 500,000 MMK per sachet. Drugs are big business. On International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on 26 June 2026, the military regime in Naypyidaw incinerated seized drugs and precursor chemicals valued at 2.21 trillion MMK (approx. US$603 million) nationwide. Among these, drug seizures in Yangon accounted for the largest share, valued at over US$321 million. However, in reality, insiders estimate that over a thousand pills of Ecstasy alone are sold nightly in Yangon’s private party rooms and KTVs. Many, like Ma Yun and Ma Pa Pa, have entered the nightlife industry as drug sellers due to wage stagnation. More worryingly, Ma Pa Pa notes that some women are quitting their day jobs entirely to enter the world of high-end hostess or “sugar dating” (seeking wealthy sponsors) as an easy way out. As Yangon grows more crowded, job opportunities are shrinking. Conversely, the illicit night trade of drug peddling is expanding rapidly in urban areas. Salaries vary by company type, sector, and experience. According to data gathered by Mizzima, the breakdown is as follows: On average, junior staff receive 300,000 to 400,000 MMK; senior staff receive around 600,000 MMK; supervisors/foremen earn 800,000 to 1,100,000 MMK; and assistant managers make 1,000,000 to 1,500,000 MMK. Some companies reportedly pay even less than these standard rates. Economists attribute low wages primarily to Myanmar’s overall economic downturn, rising fuel prices, the aftermath of the military coup, political instability, inflation, and falling corporate revenues. Under the current military-run Ministry of Labour, the minimum wage is set at 4,800 MMK per day plus an allowance of 3,000 MMK, totalling 7,800 MMK daily. Trade unions and economic analysts point out that this rate, yielding less than 250,000 MMK monthly, is grossly inadequate for basic food and housing in Yangon amid currency depreciation and soaring inflation. “While basic living expenses and food prices have skyrocketed, labour wages remain flat. Given current conditions, even a basic worker needs at least 15,000 to 18,000 MMK daily to survive. The rate set by the ministry doesn’t even cover one day’s meals,” a labour rights activist stated. A June 2025 UNDP report revealed that out of Yangon’s 6.2 million population, 2.7 million (about one in four households) face poverty. The report suggested a decent daily wage for a worker should range from 11,000 to 25,600 MMK (as of mid-2025). The report highlighted that Yangon’s poverty rate jumped from 10% in 2017 to 43% in 2023, following the military coup. Currently, basic prices in Yangon are extreme: low-grade rice is 4,500–5,000 MMK per pyi; peanut oil is 24,000 MMK per viss (approx. 16 Kg); a large egg is 700 MMK; salt is 2,000 MMK per viss; small onions are 5,000 MMK per viss; palm oil is 18,000–20,000 MMK per viss (on the black market due to household registration-based rationing by the military); detergent is 10,000–20,000 MMK per kg; and a
The Myanmar military created the system that drove the Rohingya from their homeland. The Arakan Army must not be allowed to continue that persecution under a different flag. Misbah Mushorof A boat does not become a coffin only because of bad weather. Long before it sinks, political decisions have already pushed its passengers toward the sea. Citizenship is removed, villages are attacked, movement is restricted, and access to education, healthcare and work is blocked. When every safe path is closed, even an overcrowded boat can begin to look like an escape. More than 500 people, mostly Rohingya, are now feared lost after two boats reportedly disappeared off Myanmar’s coast. One vessel was said to be carrying about 250 passengers when contact was lost after it left Rakhine State in late June. Another, carrying around 280 people, is believed to have sunk near the Ayeyarwady coast on July 8. UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration say the reports are still being investigated, so the exact number of victims has not been confirmed. That distinction matters, but uncertainty must not become an excuse for silence. More than 500 families may be waiting for news that will never come. A conservative compilation of UN figures and current reporting indicates that more than 3,400 Rohingya have been reported dead or missing at sea since the 2017 genocide. The true number may be higher because some boats disappear unrecorded and many bodies are never found. Every number was a person with a name, a family and a reason for risking the journey. The deeper question is not only how these boats disappeared. It is why so many Rohingya believed that a dangerous sea journey was safer than remaining on land. The Myanmar military carries the greatest historical responsibility. For decades, Myanmar authorities treated the Rohingya as foreigners in their own homeland. The 1982 Citizenship Law effectively denied most Rohingya citizenship, while other policies restricted movement, education, employment, marriage and healthcare. The military did not attack only Rohingya bodies; it also attacked Rohingya identity. In August 2017, this discrimination became mass violence. Villages were burned, civilians were killed, women and girls faced sexual violence, and more than 750,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh. The military cannot separate itself from today’s boat tragedies because it created the conditions that produced them. It removed citizenship, destroyed villages and made equal life inside Myanmar impossible. The Myanmar military built the prison, and the sea became one of the few exits. The Arakan Army did not create the 1982 Citizenship Law or lead the military’s 2017 campaign. That responsibility belongs mainly to the Myanmar military and state. But the AA now controls large parts of northern Rakhine State, including areas where Rohingya have lived for generations. Control brings responsibility. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have reported severe movement restrictions, forced labour, arbitrary detention, recruitment, property seizure and limits on farming, fishing, healthcare and humanitarian assistance in AA-controlled areas. Human Rights Watch has also accused AA fighters of killing at least 170 Rohingya civilians in Hoyyar Siri village in May 2024. The United League of Arakan, the AA’s political wing, denied responsibility. The AA has the right to respond, but denial is not accountability. If its leaders believe the accusations are false, they should allow independent investigators into areas they control, protect witnesses and cooperate with international justice mechanisms. The Myanmar military has spent years denying massacres and blocking investigations. The Arakan Army must not follow the same path. A movement does not become democratic simply because it fights a dictatorship. Liberation cannot mean freedom for one ethnic group and fear for another. The Rohingya are trapped between two armed powers. The Myanmar military has forcibly recruited Rohingya men and boys to fight the AA, even while denying them citizenship. It refuses to recognise them as equal citizens but demands their blood when it needs soldiers. This also puts whole communities at risk because the AA may then view ordinary Rohingya civilians as military collaborators. A young man can be forced tofight by one side and punished by the other. That is not a real choice; it is a trap. The danger does not end when Rohingya reach Bangladesh. Landslides in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps have killed civilians, including children, and displaced thousands. Heavy rain is natural, but the conditions that make it deadly are political. The rain did not remove Rohingya citizenship, burn villages or force families across the border. The genocide did. Rohingya families also face kidnapping, extortion and murderby armed groups and criminal networks inside the camps. The refugee community is not the perpetrator; it is the main victim. Responsibility is shared, but it is not equal. The Myanmar military carries the greatest responsibility because it built the system of statelessness, persecution and forced displacement. The Arakan Army carries responsibility for its treatment of Rohingya civilians and must answer serious allegations of killings, forced labour, recruitment, detention and movement restrictions. Traffickers and camp-based criminal groups also carry direct responsibility, while regional governments and the international community must answer for failures of rescue and protection. Responsibility for the two latest missing boats has not yet been established. An independent investigation must determine who organised the journeys, who collected the money, who controlled the departure areas and what authorities knew. The investigation cannot stop at the water. It must follow the chain from the village to the broker, from the checkpoint to the shore and from the boat organiser to every authority that failed to act. The Myanmar military built the machinery of Rohingya persecution. The Arakan Army must not be allowed to inherit it, repaint it and operate it under a different flag. The Rohingya are not military tools, a demographic problem or a source of profit. They are human beings, and Arakan is their homeland too. How many more must disappear before responsibility is followed by justice? About the author Misbah Mushorof is a Rohingya genocide survivor, human rights defender and researcher based in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. He writes about the Rohingya crisis, accountability, displacement and human rights in Myanmar and the region. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of Mizzima Media. The post Who built this system of death that has seen thousands of Rohingya perish at sea?
A total of 10 underground hospitals have been completed across Myanmar, Dr. Shwe Pon, the National Unity Government’s (NUG) Union Minister of Health, told Mizzima in an interview. Construction of the underground hospital
Russian and Myanmar special forces conducted a joint training exercise, dubbed “Tropical Storm,” at the National Defence College in Naypyidaw from 6 to 17 July, Russia’s Defense Ministry said. Myanmar’s military-run medi
Mizzima Commentary Putting a face on the Myanmar resistance is a tough call. There are a myriad names – from exiled Myanmar politicians to People’s Defence Force fighters to ethnic armed organization commanders. Yet there is no recognizable Che Guevara, Mao Zedong or Ahmad Shah Massoud. Aung San Suu Kyi is a symbol of freedom, for sure, but she remains unseen, and contrary to the Myanmar resistance’s call for war, analysts assume she still takes Mahatma Gandhi’s pacifist line. This prompts the question: When European diplomats and government leaders seek to engage with the Myanmar resistance, who should they deal with? This dilemma is becoming more and more obvious as Myanmar junta leader Min Aung Hlaing’s battle for legitimacy intensifies, and amidst the moves of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to edge cautiously towards a deal. The Myanmar civil war is Asia’s deadliest conflict, sparked by Min Aung Hlaing’s military coup in 2021 – and any amount of posturing cannot deflect from the fact that he is responsiblefor the bloodshed. THE GAMES THE LEADER PLAYS While the former commander-in-chief of the Myanmar armed forces has been called a lot of names – one thing is for certain, he is shrewd. Since engineering his way into the role of “president” following a “sham election” held six months ago, Min Aung Hlaing has changed his clothes from green to white and is seeking regional and international legitimacy. His recent high-profile visits to India and China have helped cement his position. And last weekend, ASEAN’s acceptance of his foreign minister, Tim Maung Swe, at an “informal” foreign ministers meeting in Bangkok appeared to provide one further step by the junta towards returning to the fold. But not so fast. ASEAN is torn between a more pragmatic approach to the Myanmar junta and keeping the doors locked. As Ma Theresa Lazaro, Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar, explained, in the talks with the Myanmar foreign minister they were able to have “candid and constructive discussion on implementing the 5-Point Consensus and how ASEAN may assist Myanmar in normalizing its relations with ASEAN.” This meeting is significant as this is the first time that ASEAN Foreign Ministers had an in-person engagement with the Myanmar counterpart since 2021, as mandated by the Leaders during the 48th ASEAN Summit in Cebu, reports the Philippines Department of Foreign Affairs. “The Special Envoy reiterated that Myanmar remains an integral part of ASEAN.” On 13 July, the Special Envoy of the ASEAN Chair on Myanmar engaged with Myanmar ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), as well as representatives of the junta-aligned National Solidarity and Peacemaking Negotiation Committee (NSPNC) to discuss the way forward on the inclusive national political dialogue between and among parties in Myanmar. All sides expressed openness to the dialogue process and emphasized the importance of constructive dialogue and ensuring careful preparation of all parties involved, reports the Philippines Department of Foreign Affairs. Lazaro went on to hold online talks with the National Unity Government (NUG). An official from an NUG ministry told Mizzima: “We met online very briefly. She did not raise anything significant. The NUG conveyed its stance in accordance with our official statements.” The opposition Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF) has been at pains to point out that this recent meeting with ASEAN representatives does not signal the commencement of formal political dialogue or negotiations with the military junta. The statement clarified that SCEF members held a private discussion solely at the invitation of the ASEAN Special Envoy, the Philippine Foreign Minister, and the Thai Foreign Minister, and did not meet jointly with junta representatives. During the meeting, the SCEF emphasized to ASEAN representatives that the ground realities in Myanmar have fundamentally shifted. “Governance in Myanmar is no longer centralized in Naypyidaw. In vast areas of the country, local revolutionary authorities have assumed executive, judicial, and public security responsibilities on a state and unit-by-unit basis,” the SCEF stated. Consequently, the SCEF warned ASEAN that any peace process must recognize and engage these legitimate ground authorities, cautioning that premature attempts to normalize relations will only worsen the current crisis. Don’t ignore the representatives of the Spring Revolution. THE DILEMMA So how should the European states handle the Myanmar crisis, given a moment of strategic reckoning on Myanmar appears to be upon us, if international analysts are to be believed?
THE Product Testing and Quality Management Division under the Department of Consumer Affairs, Ministry of Commerce, is located beside the Yangon-Bago Highway in Kyunkalay Village, Hlegu Township, Yangon Region. The divis
IT IS essential to take measures to increase domestic production. Only when production of goods is expanded and increased can export products be generated, and consequently, the earned foreign currency can be spent to pr
THE Product Testing and Quality Management Division under the Department of Consumer Affairs, Ministry of Commerce, is located beside the Yangon-Bago Highway in Kyunkalay Village, Hlegu Township, Yangon Region. The divis
THE Department of Rural Development, under the Ministry of Cooperatives and Rural Development, conducted a field inspection yesterday to review the completion of a drinking water supply project in Konlon Village, Taunggy
THE Mandalay Commercial Complex at Myitnge Dry Port of Mandalay provides one-stop service to exporters, according to the Export/Import Office (Mandalay) under the Department of Trade. A briefing session on the One-Stop S
THE Directorate of Hotels and Tourism launched its first inbound tourist survey on 13 July at the Thai-Myanmar Friendship Bridge I in Myawady Township, Kayin State. The survey aims to collect tourism-related information
COMMANDER-In Chief of Defence Services General Ye Win Oo inspected the Myanmar-Russia Joint Exercise (Tiger-2026) at the training ground of the local training depot in Ottarathiri Station of the Nay Pyi Taw Council Area
UNION Minister for National Planning, Investment and Foreign Economic Relations U Aung Kyaw Hoe received Ms Sara Austin Netzer, Country Director and Representative of the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS
THE debates of lawmakers continued at the 18th-day session of the Amyotha Hluttaw at its convention hall in Nay Pyi Taw yesterday morning. MP Daw Mya Mya Thet from the Rakhine State Constituency 9 asked whether a plan is
UNION Minister for Foreign Affairs U Tin Maung Swe received Ms Sara Austin Netzer, Country Director and Representative of UNOPS Myanmar, who has completed her mission and will depart soon, at the Ministry of Foreign Affa
U Tin Aung San, National Security Adviser and Union Minister at the President’s Office, led a Myanmar delegation to India from 13 to 17 July to attend the 5th BIMSTEC National Security Chiefs’ Meeting held in New Delhi.
PYITHU HLUTTAW Speaker U Khin Yi received a delegation led by Ambassador of India to Myanmar Mr Abhay Thakur in Nay Pyi Taw yesterday afternoon. During the meeting, the Speaker noted that Myanmar and India have similar p
VICE-PRESIDENT of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar Nan Ni Ni Aye attended the opening ceremony of the Fifth China Xizang Trans-Himalaya Forum for International Cooperation in Nyingchi (Linzhi), Xizang Autonomous Regi
The Immigration Department under the Ministry of Immigration and Population issued Citizenship Scrutiny Cards (CSC) and provided Unique Identification Number (UID) cards to those who already possess CSC across the region
THE first-day session of the fifth plenary meeting of the Ninth 47-Member State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee was administered at the Wizaya Mingala Dhamma Thabin Hall on the Thiri Mingala Kaba Aye Hill in Yangon yesterda
THE MSME Development Fund will provide loans to develop the cotton industry, and loan proposals can be submitted to the MSME agencies in Nay Pyi Taw, regions and states, according to an announcement by the Department of
THE Ayeyawady Region Government has announced that A Bank has provided K100 billion in financial support to develop agriculture- and livestock-based Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) within the region. Express
THE Myanmar Tourism Federation (MTF) and CB Bank held a meeting on 14 July regarding digital transformation and collaboration on digital payment systems for the tourism sector. The Chair and members of the Federation’s M
It is necessary to implement the integrated coastal management (ICM) approved in 2024 in Myanmar with the concepts of the green economy, the blue economy and the circular economy, said Vice-President U Nyo Saw, who chair
イラワジ・タイムズ紙 7月17日、選挙で選ばれた政府の軍隊が戦わずしてバギオ東部の集落に入り、重火器で発砲した。 ドローン爆撃。