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ONE NEWS

Four women apprehended for misconduct on DEMU train

Four women who engaged in disruptive behavior and spitting betel nut on the Yangon-Mandalay DEMU train, causing distress to other passengers, have been apprehended and charged, according to a statement from the Myanmar P

SHAN News

Rising Egg Prices Deepen Cost-of-Living Crisis in Southern Shan

The price of eggs has surged to as high as 800 Kyats each in southern Shan State, pushing many households deeper into hardship as post-coup trade restrictions disrupt supplies of one of the country’s most affordable sources of protein. Since the beginning of the year, Myanmar’s military junta has blocked key trade routes and banned imports from Thailand and China, restricting the flow of essential agricultural and livestock supplies. According to Nang Kham, a poultry farmer in Taunggyi, the restrictions have caused severe shortages of poultry feed and vaccines, driving up production costs and, ultimately, retail prices. “After they banned imports, chicken vaccines became expensive and scarce. If chickens can’t be vaccinated, they die,”Nang Kham told SHAN. “When the prices of feed and raw materials go up, the price of eggs goes up as well.” Agricultural supplies are no longer arriving reliably, raising concerns about worsening shortages. Before the restrictions, farm-gate prices averaged around 300 Kyats per egg. Wholesale prices have now risen to between 450 and 470 Kyats per egg. Consumers are facing even steeper increases. Retail prices at grocery stores and markets, which previously averaged about 500 Kyats per egg, have climbed to between 700 and 800 Kyats, with a pack of 10 eggs now costing around 6,000 Kyats. Nang Aye, a Taunggyi resident, said the rising cost of basic food staples is placing an increasing burden on ordinary families. “Egg prices keep rising. For many reasons, the cost of living is increasing, and people’s expenses are much higher than before,” she said. “When a basic food item like an egg costs 700 or 800 Kyats, how are working-class families supposed to survive? ” Residents say the prices of essential commodities have steadily increased since the military seized power in 2021, placing growing strain on household budgets. Poultry farmers warn that if the junta’s import restrictions remain in place, worsening shortages of feed and other essential inputs could force many local farms to cease operations.

Myanmar International TV

Parliamentary Affairs: Hluttaw observers and book donation

Pyithu Hlattaw Speaker U Khin Yi on Thursday received the responsible personnel from Farmers' Life Development Foundation and retired Myanmar selected athletes at the Hluttaw hall in Nay Pyi Taw. The Speaker gave a detai

Myanmar International TV

Pyithu Hluttaw: 28th day meeting held in Nay Pyi Taw

The 28th day meeting of the second regular session of third Pyithu Hluttaw was held in Nay Pyi Taw on Thursday. During the meeting, Hluttaw Representatives raised questions on the plans for drafting the Township Administ

Myanmar International TV

MOFA press release on ASEAN 5-point statement

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a Press Statement on Thursday, regarding the ASEAN Five-Point Statement, known as the ASEAN Five-Point consensus. It stated that during the ASEAN Leaders' Meeting held at the ASEAN

Myanmar International TV

Women's Affairs: Meeting with the UNFPA delegation

Union Minister for Women’s Affairs Dr. Daw Thet Thet Zin on Thursday received Mr. Jaime Nadal Roig, the Resident Representative of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and his delegation at the Ministry in Nay Pyi

Myanmar International TV

Social Welfare: Meeting with the UNFPA delegation

Union Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement Dr Soe Win received Resident Representative of United Nations Populations Fund (UNFPA) in Myanmar Mr Jaime Nadal Roig at the Ministry on Thursday. They discussed

Eleven Media

Repair work underway for Moebye Dam damaged by terrorists

It is reported that repair work is being carried out on the Moebye Dam, which was damaged by terrorists. It is reported that repair work on the Moebye Dam, which is extremely important for flood control, electricity gene

DVB

‘Blocked Aid, Unbroken People’ puts spotlight on aid crisis in central Myanmar

Myanmar’s humanitarian crisis is rapidly deepening across the central “Dry Zone” as the military intensifies its campaign of violence and systematically weaponizes humanitarian aid against civilians, according to a newly released joint briefing paper by nine civil society organizations. The report, titled “Blocked Aid, Unbroken People,” details how the military has expanded its brutal “Four Cuts” strategy into the Sagaing, Magwe, and Mandalay regions, relying heavily on three defining tactics of terror: airstrikes, arson, and landmines. A campaign of airstrikes, artillery, and arson Since the Feb. 1, 2021 military coup, the regime in Naypyidaw has increasingly deployed “mass-barrage airstrikes,” utilizing Myanmar Air Force fighter jets, as well as drones, gyrocopters and paramotors to deliberately target civilian infrastructure. On the ground, arson attacks have decimated communities as a form of collective punishment. Since 2021, the military and its militias have destroyed over 121,000 civilian homes, with the Sagaing Region suffering the greatest losses, accounting for more than 63 per cent of all homes razed nationwide. Furthermore, the military is heavily contaminating civilian areas, farmland, and abandoned villages with internationally banned anti-personnel landmines. Myanmar now records the highest number of landmine casualties globally. “There is a great deal of fear. None of us feel safe. We are afraid of air attacks,” said a resident from Sagaing’s Taze Township, who fled his home due to military attacks. “When drones come, we have to run and hide, and when aircraft come, we have to take cover wherever we can… We can no longer stay in our own village”. Humanitarian catastrophe and the weaponization of aid The relentless violence has led to widespread and prolonged displacement. The United Nations estimates that over 3.7 million people are displaced from their homes in Myanmar—referred to as internally displaced persons (IDPs) by the U.N.–with more than 1.3 million sheltering from attacks in the Sagaing Region alone. The crisis is compounded by the regime’s deliberate obstruction of life-saving assistance. The World Food Programme (WFP) recently warned that more than 12 million people in Myanmar will face acute hunger in 2026. “When [regime forces] burn, they do not burn just the houses; they burn everything together, including machinery and livestock,” said a human rights defender living in the Magway Region. Community-led resistance and survival Despite the severe restrictions, deliberate violence, and massive shortfalls in international funding, local communities remain unbroken. With international aid largely blocked, civil society and local organizations have stepped in as the primary lifeline for conflict-affected communities in Myanmar. These frontline humanitarian responders are navigating active conflict zones to deliver emergency food, cash, and medical supplies. To fill the void left by destroyed public infrastructure, communities are establishing their own essential services, including community-led education centers, mobile libraries, and mobile healthcare clinics. A call for direct international action The coalition of civil society organizations is issuing an urgent plea to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the broader international community: stop attempting to deliver aid through the regime in Naypyidaw. “ASEAN Special Envoy Ma. Theresa P. Lazaro recently announced plans to lead a humanitarian mission to conflict-stricken Myanmar by the end of 2026,” said Khin Ohmar, the chairperson of Progressive Voice. “Why is there such a delay in saving lives? ASEAN has waited far too long. The Philippines, as the current ASEAN Chair, must immediately implement this decision and ensure aid goes through locally led border mechanisms.” The post ‘Blocked Aid, Unbroken People’ puts spotlight on aid crisis in central Myanmar appeared first on DVB.

Mizzima English

The Arakan Army Seeks International Recognition While Denying Recognition to the Rohingya

Misbah Mushorof On 26 March 2024, Arakan Army Commander-in-Chief Twan Mrat Naing wrote on X:“Nothing is wrong with calling Bengalis ‘Bengalis.’ They have been our neighbours, our friends and fellow citizens for centuries. Let’s be honest and embrace this reality to build a better future.”This post was not a small language issue. It was a political message. It told the Rohingya that the Arakan Army and its political wing, the UnitedLeague of Arakan, do not recognise us by the name we use for ourselves. The word “Bengali” has a dangerous political meaning in Myanmar. For decades, the Myanmar military and anti-Rohingya nationalists used it to describe the Rohingya as foreigners from Bangladesh. This label helped them deny our citizenship, history and belonging in Arakan. Twan Mrat Naing knows this history. The ULA knows it too. Therefore, his statement cannot be treated as an innocent choice of words. It continues the same political idea that was used to remove the Rohingya from their homeland. The Rohingya are not asking the Arakan Army to invent a new identity for us. Our identity already exists. We have called ourselves Rohingya for generations. Historical records, official documents and political participation after Myanmar’s independence also show the use of the Rohingya name. The right to self-identify is basic. The Arakan Army cannot demand respect for Rakhine identity while refusing the same respect to the Rohingya. This is the biggest contradiction in the Arakan Army’s political campaign. The AA and ULA want international recognition. They want neighbouring countries, foreign investors, international organisations and the media to treat them as the new authority in Rakhine State. They speak about administration, security, trade, ports, pipelines and development. They promise to protect foreign businesses and international projects. But they do not give the same clear promise to the Rohingya people living in the land they control. How can they ask the world to recognise their authority while they deny recognition to one of Arakan’s own communities? The ULA may show photographs of reopened mosques, Muslim religious events or a few Muslim officials. But these photographs do not prove equality. A mosque can be opened while a people’s identity is still denied. A ceremony can be allowed while movement, work, education and land rights remain restricted. Real recognition means more than allowing worship. It means calling us by our name. It means accepting that Rohingya belong to Arakan. It means citizenship, freedom of movement, access to healthcare and education, protection of property and equal participation in public life. Reports from areas under Arakan Army control raise serious concerns. Human Rights Watch reported movement restrictions, arbitrary detention, forced labour, unlawful recruitment and seizure of property affecting Rohingya communities. Refugees also said they could not freely travel, farm, fish or work.These reports are painful because they look very similar to the old system created by the Myanmar military. The most serious allegation concerns Hoyyar Siri village. Human Rights Watch reported evidence that Arakan Army fighters may have killed at least 170 Rohingya men, women and children there on 2 May 2024. The ULA denied responsibility. Its denial should be reported. But a denial cannot close a case involving the possible killing of so many civilians. If the Arakan Army believes the allegation is false, it should allow independent investigators into the area. It should protect witnesses, provide information about missing and detained people, preserve evidence and punish any fighter or commander responsible for crimes. The AA and ULA cannot investigate themselves and then ask the world to accept their answer. This issue is not only about individual soldiers. It starts with the leadership. When Twan Mrat Naing publicly says that nothing is wrong with calling the Rohingya “Bengali,” he gives permission to officials, fighters and supporters to treat Rohingya identity as false. First, a community’s name is denied. Then its history is questioned. After that, its movement, work and land are controlled. Finally, the whole population is treated as a security threat. This is the same road followed by the Myanmar military. The Arakan Army may fight the junta, but fighting a brutal enemy does not automatically make it a just movement. A force cannot call itself a liberation army while using the language and politics of persecution against another people. The suffering of the Rakhine people under Myanmar military rule is real. They have the right to freedom, dignity and political power. But Rakhine freedom cannot be built on Rohingya exclusion. Freedom for one community cannot mean silence, fear and statelessness for another. China, India, Bangladesh and other international actors may need practical contact with the Arakan Army because it controls important territory. But territorial control is not the same as legitimacy. Any engagement with the AA and ULA should include firm conditions: recognition of the Rohingya identity, freedom of movement, protection of land and homes, an end to forced labour and forced recruitment, full humanitarian access and independent investigations into alleged crimes. The international community should not reward the Arakan Army only because it defeated junta forces. Military success is not proof of justice. The real test is how it treats civilians, especially a community that has already survived decades of persecution and genocide. Twan Mrat Naing’s X post made the problem clear. The Arakan Army wants the world to recognise its name, authority and political future. But it refuses to recognise the Rohingya by our own name.Recognition cannot work in only one direction. Until the AA and ULA recognise the Rohingya as an equal people of Arakan and answer serious allegations of abuse, their demand for international legitimacy should be treated with great caution.A new flag does not create a new political future if the old hatred continues beneath it. ABOUT THE AUTHORMisbah Mushorof is the Executive Director of the Rohingya Crisis Research Institute (RCRI). He is a Rohingya genocide survivor and human rights defender based in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.This commentary does not necessarily reflect the views of Mizzima Media. The post The Arakan Army Seeks International Recognition While Denying Recognition to the Rohingya appeared first on ENG.MIZZIMA.COM.

Mizzima English

Resisting the Myanmar junta’s aid weaponization: new report

Progressive Voice, together with eight civil society organizations, have launched a follow-up briefing paper titled “Blocked Aid, Unbroken People: Resisting Junta’s Aid Weaponization” on 22 July 2026. This new publicatio

Mizzima English

Spring Revolution Daily News for 24 July

The National Unity Government (NUG) Under the Ministry of Defence-NUG, Tanintharyi Regional Command People’s Defence Force (33) has been calling eligible new members. In Kathar District with heavy fighting in Sagaing Reg